Showing posts with label north Korea Prison Camps. Show all posts
Showing posts with label north Korea Prison Camps. Show all posts

Tuesday, December 18, 2012

More Real Than Unicorns: The ‘Inextricable Link’ between Human Rights and Security in North Korea


Since the author references Escape from Camp 14 just as a reminder I will add this excerpt from Blaine Harden's book about the life of  Shin Dong-hyuk because it is a stark reminder of what human rights are like in north Korea.

It was not meaningful to him that North Korea in the dead of winter is ugly, dirty, and dark, or that it is poorer than Sudan, or that, taken as a hole it is viewed by human rights groups as the world’s largest prison.

His context had been 23 years in an open-air cage run by men who hanged his mother, shot his brother, crippled his father, murdered pregnant women, beat children to death, taught him to betray his family, and tortured him over a fire.
V/R
Dave
More Real Than Unicorns: The ‘Inextricable Link’ between Human Rights and Security in North Korea
December 17, 2012

Catherine A. Fitzpatrick
Guest Blogger

Last month, North Korea claimed preposterously to have discovered a “unicorn lair” in an ancient burial site. This month, there are deadly-serious reports of a successful missile launch. And so the world lurches again from laughing at North Korea’s curious totalitarian theme park and wacky dictator, to wondering with concern whether this leader, like the capricious child with superhuman powers in the science-fiction story “It’s a Good Life,” will destroy the world.

There’s seldom any middle ground, nor is there serious reflection about how to move past these disjointed extremes and reassert the comprehensive policy approach that has proven so effective in other settings. When speaking this month about the nearly 40-year-old Helsinki Accords process in Eurasia, for example, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton invoked “an inextricable link between the security of states and the security of citizens.” The idea was first championed by Nobel Peace Prize laureate Andrei Sakharov and his wife, Elena Bonner, along with their colleagues in the citizens’ Helsinki movement. Without civil society’s control over the government, they argued, disarmament is not possible. It is now a staple of U.S. foreign policy that efforts to reduce nuclear weapons stockpiles can and should proceed simultaneously with criticism of ongoing human rights problems in Russia. Yet while the human rights situation in North Korea is far more deplorable, the linkage between rights and peace is never made, and never becomes part of the public discourse.

Last April, the U.S. Committee for Human Rights in North Korea and the Jacob Blaustein Institute for the Advancement of Human Rights convened a conference in Washington with an ambitious title—Hidden Gulag: Exposing North Korea’s Political Camp System and Calling for Its Complete, Verifiable, and Irreversible Dismantlement. North Korea was hardly expected to heed this audacious call, although those who opposed the Nazis or worked to dismantle the Soviet GULAG could provide helpful precedents. The conference featured a devastating report on North Korea’s prison complex, Hidden Gulag by David Hawk. Activists pressed the U.S. State Department to raise the release of the system’s inmates and demand the closure of the abusive facilities.

The State Department’s response on May 1 was limp: “The United States remains deeply concerned about the human rights situation in the DPRK, including forced labor camps. Promoting human rights is a key component of our policy toward North Korea, and how the DPRK addresses human rights will have a significant impact on the prospect for closer U.S.-DPRK ties.” But activists had hoped the plea would be made directly to the North Koreans in face-to-face talks. Sadly, human rights are not brought up explicitly, even quietly, as a matter of policy. Instead they are left to special envoy Robert King to raise in other settings.

There are a number of indications that Washington should be more forthright on the issue. More than 20,000 defectors have managed to escape North Korea, helping to raise awareness of the appalling conditions inside the country. And a new 
generation of South Korean human rights advocates—politicians, doctors, lawyers, teachers, and researchers—are tackling the looming issue of North Korea’s totalitarianism in a new way. They are reaching out to the global human rights community and attempting to internationalize the problem, avoiding the traps of North-South political dynamics and the Cold War categorizations that turn off the general public, particularly young people. In June, the Korea Institute for National Unification (KINU), a government-sponsored think tank founded to work toward a peaceful settlement, convened both international experts and South and North Koreans to raise internationally the issue of the estimated 200,000 political prisoners in the North’s prison camps and rampant, ongoing abuses against them including deprivation, torture, and rape.
(Continued at the link below)

Saturday, December 15, 2012

New face at the top but the same North Korea


Again, another good analysis of why Kim Jong-un is not changing or reforming north Korea and although he does not use the phrase, it is clear that Kim is executing "Image First Politics."

As noted Blaine Harden wrote a very important book chronicling the life of Shin Dong-hyuk who was the first north Korean who was born in a prison camp to have escaped.  Below is an except from that book that illustrates the horror of the Kim Family Regime.

Excerpt from page 120-121 describing his experience and feelings just after he escaped.

“In the months and years ahead, Shin would discover all things modern: streaming video, blogs, and international air travel.  Therapists and career counselors would advise him.  Preachers would show him how to pray to Jesus Christ.  Friends would teach him how to brush his teeth, use a debit card, and fool around with a smartphone.  From obsessive reading online, the politics, history, and geography of the two Koreas, China, Southeast Asia, and the United States would all become familiar.

None of this, though, did more to change his understanding of how the world works – and how human beings interact with each other – than his first few days outside the camp.

It shocked him to see North Koreans going about their daily lives without having to take orders from guards.  When they had the temerity to laugh together in the streets or wear brightly colored clothes or haggle over prices in an open-air market, he expected armed men to step in, knock heads, and stop the nonsense.

The word Shin uses again and again to describe those first days is “shock.”

It was not meaningful to him that North Korea in the dead of winter is ugly, dirty, and dark, or that it is poorer than Sudan, or that, taken as a hole it is viewed by human rights groups as the world’s largest prison.
 
His context had been 23 years in an open-air cage run by men who hanged his mother, shot his brother, crippled his father, murdered pregnant women, beat children to death, taught him to betray his family, and tortured him over a fire.
He felt wonderfully fee – and, as best as he could determine, no one was looking for him.
V/R
Dave
New face at the top but the same North Korea
By Blaine Harden, Published: December 14

Blaine Harden, a former Post reporter, is the author of “Escape From Camp 14.”

As a rule, nothing greases reform like the death of a dictator. After Stalin, the gulag faded away. After Mao, policies that starved millions were abandoned. So when North Korean leader Kim Jong Il died a year ago, there was reason to expect meaningful change.

Yet North Korea, the world’s longest-lived totalitarian state, never seems to follow the rules. When its founding dictator, Kim Il Sung, died in 1994, the state stumbled, but it did not collapse and it did not reform. For the first time in history, power in a communist state shifted from father to son, from Great Leader to Dear Leader. And Kim Jong Il was no reformer. He turned out to be even more repressive than his father was.

Now, the third generation of the Kim family dynasty, in the person of Kim Jong Eun, who is not yet 30, has cemented his absolute control by doing what daddy and granddaddy could not do: His engineers sent the payload of a three-stage rocket into orbit, defying U.N. Security Council resolutions and unnerving the world.

His government is believed to be trying to develop a nuclear warhead small enough to fit atop a missile capable of striking the United States. To that end, Kim Jong Eun’s government completed a new tunnel this year for the test detonation of what would be the North’s third plutonium device and possibly for a bomb made from highly enriched uranium, according to an August report in the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.

The young leader has also spent lavishly this year on the family cult, funding $40 million worth of statues and paintings of his father and grandfather, according to a recent South Korean government report. Notably, imports of liquor, luxury cars and foreign appliances have spiked since 2009, when it became clear Kim Jong Eun was his father’s favored son, according to a South Korean parliamentary report in October.

In the months after his father died of a heart attack, there were tantalizing hints that Kim Jong Eun might move in a more moderate direction. Unlike his father and grandfather, he had lived in the West. He reportedly spent a few teenage years in a private Swiss school, where he played basketball, wore expensive sneakers and admired Michael Jordan. He was untested and seemed callow to outsiders looking in, but after his father died, he proved with surprising speed that he was not a puppet of scheming relatives and headstrong generals. As surprising, he emerged in the first half of this year as a chubbily charismatic agent of change.

He sacked generals, sent bureaucrats to China to study capitalism and talked openly of using economic reform to improve the lives of ordinary North Koreans. His father had never talked this way. Indeed, his father had never delivered a speech in public.
(Continued at the link below)

Monday, December 3, 2012

North Korean prisoner escaped after 23 brutal years (60 minutes)


From last night's 60 Minutes.  I know people tire of hearing about the tragic and criminal conditions being perpetrated by the Kim Family Regime but we should keep this in mind when we are trying to understand north Korea and formulate policy and strategy to solve the "Korea Question" (the division of the Peninsula).  Note the emphasis on generational punishment – the rule of three.  People should read Blaine Hardin's book.  I know this excerpt is hard for us to fathom but it is illustrative (we should read Ted Gurr's book on Why Men Rebel as he also explains in some case why men cannot):

Anderson Cooper: Growing up, did you ever think about escaping? 
Shin Dong-hyuk: That never crossed my mind. 
Anderson Cooper: It never crossed your mind? 
Shin Dong-hyuk: No. Never. What I thought was that the society outside the camp would be similar to that inside the camp. 
Anderson Cooper: You thought everybody lived in a prison camp like this? 
Shin Dong-hyuk: Yes. 
Shin told us that this is the house where he was born. His mother and father were prisoners whose marriage, if you could call it that, was arranged by the guards as a reward for hard work.
V/R
Dave
December 2, 2012 7:45 PM

North Korean prisoner escaped after 23 brutal years

Born in a prison camp, Shin Dong-hyuk describes how three generations of a family are incarcerated if one family member is considered disloyal. Anderson Cooper reports.
Web Extras
The following is a script from "Three Generations of Punishment" which aired on Dec. 2, 2012. Anderson Cooper is the correspondent. Andy Court, producer.
60 Minutes Overtime

Tonight we're going to tell you about a place so brutal and horrific it's hard to believe it exists. It is, by all accounts, a modern-day concentration camp, a secret prison hidden in the mountains, 50 miles from North Korea's capital, Pyongyang. It's called Camp 14, and according to human right rights groups, it's part of the largest network of political prisons in the world today. Some 150,000 people are believed to be doing hard labor on the brink of starvation in these hidden gulags. But it's not just those who have been accused of political crimes; it's their entire families -- grandparents, parents, and children. A practice called "three generations of punishment."

Very little was known about Camp 14 until a young man showed up in South Korea with an extraordinary tale to tell. His name is Shin Dong-hyuk and he said he had not only escaped from Camp 14, but he was born there. He's believed to be the only person born and raised in the camps who's ever escaped and lived to tell about it.

(Continued at the link below - you can view the video and read the entire transcript)

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