Showing posts with label Commission of Inquiry Report on north Korean Human Rights. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Commission of Inquiry Report on north Korean Human Rights. Show all posts

Saturday, May 9, 2015

Seeking Legitimate Governance of the Korean Peninsula

Excerpts:

Focusing on legitimate governance, defined as governance for the well-being of all Koreans, addresses the root cause of the security threat. It provides an overarching principle that gives policymakers the foresight to plant diplomatic seeds that can be crucial later. It can create a pathway for the International Criminal Court (ICC) Prosecutor to initiate an investigation of the North Korean regime without a United Nations (UN) Security Council referral. It can establish that South Korea, not China, should govern North Korea in the event of its collapse. It acknowledges the reality that North Korea in its present state is highly unlikely to denuclearize. It maximizes the chances for a nuclear-free human rights-respecting outcome by eroding North Korea’s legitimacy. It also allows for the unlikely possibility that North Korea seeks to reform itself.
...
The well-being of the Korean people is the correct measure for what constitutes legitimate governance by both Eastern and Western standards. The Chinese concept known as the Mandate of Heaven requires a leader to be just and can be withdrawn from a ruler when his people deem his actions excessively abusive.[4]Western notions of the social contract also espouse the people as the source of a government’s legitimacy; extreme abuse by a government renders it illegitimate.[5] The UN Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and other UN treaties are grounded in the rights of each human being. So also is the Responsibility To Protect (R2P) doctrine, which assumes that the government has a responsibility to protect its own people from atrocities and if it fails to do so, other states should intervene to provide that protection.
...
Perhaps the greatest value of a campaign to erode the DPRK’s legitimacy is the pressure it puts on the DPRK as it seeks to avoid any downgrading of its status. Similar to the effect of the COI’s report, such a campaign could prompt some change in the DPRK’s behavior. De-legitimization is significant also because it potentially allows the ICC Prosecutor to initiate an investigation of the DPRK with jurisdiction based on the fact that the ROK is a state party to the Rome Statute, which governs the ICC.[7] The ROK Constitution states that the ROK’s territory encompasses the entire Korean peninsula, not just the southern part. Thus de-legitimization of DPRK offers an alternative path to the ICC if the Security Council does not refer it, which is likely given the veto powers of China and Russia. The UNGA can provide political backing and possibly financial resources to the ICC Prosecutor in the form of what could be called “Uniting for Justice” resolutions, as a nod to the previous time the UNGA had to act on Korea due to the deadlock of the Security Council. ICC action is preferable to the creation of an ad hoc tribunal because the ICC Prosecutor acting motu proprio, ideally with UNGA support, avoids the extra time and resources necessary for creating an ad hoc tribunal. Time matters as victims die each day from torture and starvation.

Conclusion:
Perhaps the greatest value of a campaign to erode the DPRK’s legitimacy is the pressure it puts on the DPRK as it seeks to avoid any downgrading of its status. Similar to the effect of the COI’s report, such a campaign could prompt some change in the DPRK’s behavior. De-legitimization is significant also because it potentially allows the ICC Prosecutor to initiate an investigation of the DPRK with jurisdiction based on the fact that the ROK is a state party to the Rome Statute, which governs the ICC.[7] The ROK Constitution states that the ROK’s territory encompasses the entire Korean peninsula, not just the southern part. Thus de-legitimization of DPRK offers an alternative path to the ICC if the Security Council does not refer it, which is likely given the veto powers of China and Russia. The UNGA can provide political backing and possibly financial resources to the ICC Prosecutor in the form of what could be called “Uniting for Justice” resolutions, as a nod to the previous time the UNGA had to act on Korea due to the deadlock of the Security Council. ICC action is preferable to the creation of an ad hoc tribunal because the ICC Prosecutor acting motu proprio, ideally with UNGA support, avoids the extra time and resources necessary for creating an ad hoc tribunal. Time matters as victims die each day from torture and starvation.

Seeking Legitimate Governance of the Korean Peninsula


Seeking Legitimate Governance of the Korean Peninsula
The North and South Korean Border, Wikimedia Commons
By Grace M. Kang, Guest Columnist
North Korea’s heinous crimes against humanity deserve the same sustained attention its nuclear weapons get. The regime’s systematic categorization and control of its citizens, with the lowest category condemned to political prison camps similar to those of the Nazi and Soviet eras, produces totalitarian terror unlike anywhere else today. Yet denuclearization as the prerequisite for broader peace negotiations is the dominant goal driving international community efforts. This approach, however, has not produced an effective strategy for resolving either the nuclear threat or human rights catastrophe. The international community should instead target an end state that can organize tactics into a strategy for solving both the nuclear threat and atrocity crimes: the legitimate governance of the Korean peninsula.
Focusing on legitimate governance, defined as governance for the well-being of all Koreans, addresses the root cause of the security threat. It provides an overarching principle that gives policymakers the foresight to plant diplomatic seeds that can be crucial later. It can create a pathway for the International Criminal Court (ICC) Prosecutor to initiate an investigation of the North Korean regime without a United Nations (UN) Security Council referral. It can establish that South Korea, not China, should govern North Korea in the event of its collapse. It acknowledges the reality that North Korea in its present state is highly unlikely to denuclearize. It maximizes the chances for a nuclear-free human rights-respecting outcome by eroding North Korea’s legitimacy. It also allows for the unlikely possibility that North Korea seeks to reform itself.
The legitimate governance problem has eluded international efforts to resolve it since 1948, when elections for governance of the entire peninsula, as authorized by the UN, failed to occur.[1] This failure resulted in the creation of the rival North and South Koreas, devastating warfare, armistice instead of peace, and the on-going split of the peninsula. The North, called the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK), relied on the Soviet Union and China to survive, while the South, the Republic of Korea (ROK), relied on the United States under the mandate of the UN. When North Korea attacked on June 25, 1950, UN action in the Security Council was possible because the veto-wielding Soviet Union was boycotting it briefly, and after its return, the UN General Assembly (UNGA) took action through its landmark “Uniting for Peace” Resolution.[2]
The Korean War was the Cold War gone hot and it has never been fully extinguished. Tensions flare at times with military attacks, such as the 2010 sinking of the Cheonan, killing 46 ROK sailors; nuclear provocations (notably nuclear weapons tests in 2006, 2009, and 2013); missile launches; and various incidents such as the 2008 killing of a South Korean tourist at the North’s Mount Kumgang and the abductions of thousands of people from at least 14 nationalities as of 2011. These flare-ups punctuate efforts toward better relations in the form of the “sunshine” policy, diplomatic negotiations on denuclearization, joint economic ventures, and family reunions. At the same time, the ROK’s powerhouse economy and democratic governance roar ahead as the DPRK proceeds on a path of criminality, not only committing crimes against humanity, genocide, and war crimes,[3] but also counterfeiting U.S. dollars, illicit drug-dealing, cyberattacks, and other crimes stemming from the failure to develop a legitimate economy. Every measure of ROK prosperity dwarfs that of the DPRK, with even the average South Korean being physically taller and healthier than the average North Korean, who is often stunted by malnutrition. The South, with its far greater respect of human rights and economic prosperity, has without doubt provided better governance to Koreans than the North.
(Continued at the link below)

Monday, February 17, 2014

Correspondence with the Supreme Leader of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea and First Secretary of the Workers' Party of Korea, Kim Jong-un

I thought this might be of interest for those who did not want to wade through the whole report at this link: http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/CoIDPRK/Pages/ReportoftheCommissionofInquiryDPRK.aspx

I would have the Korean language version of this letter sent to the north Korea people (and all military leaders into who hands this could be put)  by every available method if I were in charge of the influence campaign and PSYOP.  North Korea is one of the most important PSYOP target in the world.

But I bet no one in the Kim Family Regime ever received a letter like this. And I would be wary if Kim took Mr. Kirby up on his offcer for the commission to travel to Pyongyang.  

Correspondence with the Supreme Leader of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and First Secretary of the Workers’ Party of Korea, Kim Jong-un    

Inline image 1
Inline image 2
Inline image 3

-- 

Report of the Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea

The entire report (4.1MB) can be downloaded here.  http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/HRBodies/HRCouncil/CoIDPRK/Report/A.HRC.25.63.doc

Note there are a number of resources on the web page below.

This report could be useful for Psychological Operations directed at the 2d tier leadership and the north Korean population. 

The ROKG (and the north Korean defector organizations) should try to get this information into north Korea to let the population know that the international community knows what is going on inside north Korea and that the regime is to blame.  Although it is unlikely to spur change or resistance when post-conflict or post-collapse occurs the knowledge that the outside world identified the Kim Family Regime as a human rights violators and international criminals could be helpful in influencing in the population/


Of course China is going to veto taking the issue to the International Criminal Court and that could be an important message to the north Korean people.  It will be important to identify those who sided with the north Korean population and those who did not.

Report of the Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea

Resources


The Report


Report of the commission of inquiry on human
rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of
Korea -­ A/HRC/25/63


36 pages


French
EspaƱol
Russian
Arabic
Chinese
Report of the detailed findings of the
commission of inquiry on human rights in the
Democratic People’s Republic of Korea -­
A/HRC/25/CRP.1


372 pages
 English 

Media Outreach


North Korea: UN Commission documents wide-ranging and ongoing crimes against humanity, urges referral to ICC
Russian
Arabic
Report of Commission of Inquiry on Democratic
People's Republic of Korea to go public on 17
February
French
EspaƱol
Russian
Arabic
For further information about the Commission of Inquiry, please contact:

Rolando Gómez: +41 22 917 9711rgomez@ohchr.org
CĆ©dric Sapey: +41 22 917 9695csapey@ohchr.org
Rupert Colville: +41 22 917 9767rcolville@ohchr.org
Ravina Shamdasani: +41 22 917 9169rshamdasani@ohchr.org
CĆ©cile Pouilly: +41 22 917 9310cpouilly@ohchr.org

Questions & Answers


 
Questions and Answers on the Report of the United Nations Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea
17 February 2014
English

Background information


Biographies of the Commissioners:
Marzuki Darusman(Indonesia)
Sonja Biserko(Serbia)
About the Commission of Inquiry
Commission of Inquiry Mandate

Satellite images

Satellite images of currently existing political prison camps (kwanliso) in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea -­ -­ 28 January 2014
Download complete set as a PDF or click images below for individual high-­resolution PNG files.
Expansion area adjacent to Political Prison Camp No.14 (potential residual detention complex of PoliticalPrison Camp No. 18)
Expansion area adjacent to Political Prison Camp No. 14 (potential residual detention complex of Political Prison Camp No. 18)
Political Prison Camp No. 14, Kaechon County, South
Pyongang – Prisoner Housing

Analysis courtesy of the U.S. Committee for Human Rights
in North Korea / © Google Earth
Expansion area adjacent to Political Prison Camp No.
14 (potential residual detention complex of Political
Prison Camp No. 18)

Analysis courtesy of Amnesty International/ © Digital Globe  
 
Political Prison Camp No. 15, Yodok, South Pyongan –Overview Analysis courtesy of Amnesty International / © Digital Globe
Political Prison Camp No. 16, Myonggan, NorthHamgyong – main administrative areaAnalysis courtesy of Amnesty International /
Political Prison Camp No. 25, Chongjin, North Hamgyong Province Analysis courtesy of the U.S. Committee for Human Rightsin Nor
Political Prison Camp No. 15, Yodok, South Pyongan –
Overview
Analysis courtesy of Amnesty International / © Digital Globe
Political Prison Camp No. 16, Myonggan, North
Hamgyong – main administrative area
Analysis courtesy of Amnesty International / © Digital Globe
Political Prison Camp No. 25, Chongjin, North Hamgyong Province
Analysis courtesy of the U.S. Committee for Human Rights in North Korea © Digital Globe

Map


Location of political prison camps (kwanliso) and ordinary prison camps (kyohwaso)
in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea
Location of political prison camps (kwanliso) and ordinary prison camps (kyohwaso)
in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea
PDF | PNG

Photos


Click images to download high-resolution (200 dpi) files.
Public Hearings held in Tokyo by the 
Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights 
in the Democratic People's
Republic of Korea
© OHCHR
Public Hearings held in Tokyo by the Commission of Inquiry on Human Rights in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea
© OHCHR

Videos

Public Hearings (Programs, Videos, Transcripts)
The Commission of Inquiry conducted Public Hearings in Seoul (20-24 August 2013), Tokyo (29-30 August 2013), London (23 October 2013) and Washington, D.C. (30-31 October 2013) during which almost 80 victims and witnesses of human rights violations as well as experts provided testimony on the human rights situation in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.

Graphic illustrations

Drawings submitted to COI by former prisoner Mr Kim Kwang-il
Download complete set as a PDF or click images below for individual high-­resolution PNG files.
Drawings by former prisioner 1
Drawings by former prisioner 2
Drawings by former prisioner 3
Drawings by former prisioner 4
Drawings by former prisioner 5
Drawings by former prisioner 6
Drawings by former prisioner 7
Drawings by former prisioner 8

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